The economic blockade along Manipur’s lifelines has now crossed the two months mark. Yet there is little sign that the situation would improve in the near future as none of the parties in the conflict have indicated any willingness to shift their rigid stances. The elections to the Autonomous District Councils, ADCs, the grassroots local self governance bodies for the hill districts have been held amidst demands for their deferment till the Act under which these ADCs were being created was amended. The government did promise that any amendment deemed necessary could be made at a later date but this was no reason for delaying the elections, now 20 years overdue, but this argument had no buyers amongst the strikers spearheaded by the All Naga Students Association Manipur, ANSAM. Whatever the merit behind the demand for an immediate amendment of the Act in question is, the bigger reality for the larger public remains dismal. The blockade continues, leaving the tension in the air unmitigated. The other issue of allowing Thuingaleng Muivah to enter Manipur to visit his ancestral village which had complicated the standoff further, also remains as hopelessly deadlocked as it was on May 6, when demonstrators clashed with police at Mao Gate leaving two dead. Even after the last phase of the election to the ADCs has been held on June 2, the Ibobi government remains resolute in its decision to forbid the rebel leader from entering Manipur even as the latter too sticks adamantly on not deferring his visit.

At least on the latter issue, as we had suggested earlier, there is a need to start the process on a clean slate. So far, Muivah’s intended visit is solely on the strength of a unilateral permission (now denied) given to him by the Union government. The state government was ignored and was merely informed of it rather than consulted. Much has happened ever since, and now it is time to make amends so that the dreadful stalemate is broken and some movement forward allowed. This would however entail all the parties concerned, the Union government, the state government and the NSCN(IM) leader, climbing down from their stated positions. Let each recognize the rights and authorities of each other and proceed. If concessions have to be made in consideration of political exigencies, let this be done. Sometimes, as they say, discretion is the better part of valour, and perhaps it would even be wise to allow these concessions to happen unofficially pretending they slipped attention, that is of course, if there is nobody’s real interest put in jeopardy. This is to say by an unwritten and un-communicated understanding, allow each to have its way without crossing each other’s path and thus defuse the situation. The most important thing at this moment is, the tension must subside. This should be acceptable to all, now that nobody has any doubt anymore where the political stances of each party is and that the status quo on the territory question is not about to be broken, if at all it can be broken.

Once this matter has been resolved, the earlier issue of the blockade over the ADC election should be easier to settle. Except for some pending re-polls, the elections to the ADCs are over. The focus now should be on the demand of amendment to the ADC Act. If possible before the results are declared, a special Assembly session should be convened to set the process initiated in the letter and spirit of the government’s promise. But let all keep in mind that the ultimate verdict on what kind of amendment the Act should undergo must rest with the elected leaders – in this case especially the elected leaders of the hill districts. Coercive street-fighter politic cannot be made to dictate terms to Assembly politics, nor can “mobocracy” be made to be seen as a legitimate substitute of democracy or democratic norms. There is much to be had from the cliché that the best remedy for democracy deficit is more democracy. There is another point that needs to be considered. By coercion or else voluntarily, or a combination of both, elections in many constituencies, especially in the second phase, were reduced to a farce because there were either no candidates or else were no voters. After an agreement has been reached on the structure of the ADC, let these constituencies be identified and repolling held. It would be unfair to cancel the entire election as there were also more than half of the constituencies which participated in the democratic exercise. Let all games of one-up-man-ship end and finding the best exit route for all from the mess be the sole objective of this sorry episode.